A TALE OF TWO CULTURES:
The Expulsion of the Chinese from Tacoma in 1885
Emma
Grunberg
Junior
Division
Historical
Paper
Completed
May 2, 2001
Introduction
Imagine
a line on a map, separating two countries.
This line is a frontier that changes over time. But frontiers are not only the borders
between countries. They can also be the
lines of contact and struggle between peoples.
America has always been a land of frontiers, even on the Eastern Coast,
because it takes very different cultures and throws them together. As Joe R. Fagin argues in his book “Racial
and Ethnic Relations,” there are certain distinct outcomes of the initial contact
between cultures: exclusion or genocide, egalitarian symbiosis, or a
stratification system.1 As I researched the story of the Chinese in
Tacoma with these outcomes in mind, I formed my thesis.
When peoples from different cultures are thrown together,
they create a frontier, a place where different ways of life and thinking must
learn to co-exist. Often the group with
the most social, political and economic power will categorize the subordinate
group as the “other” and will ignore the individuality of the members of the
group. The whites did this to the
Chinese.
Tacoma was a geographical frontier as well as a cultural
frontier. Washington hadn’t become a
state when the expulsion of the Chinese occurred in 1885. Systems of criminal
justice were more fragile because elements of a civil society were not as
deeply rooted as they would have been in a more established society.
Historical Background and
Context
The
first major wave of Chinese immigrants came to California in 1849. What made
them come? Where did they live? Americans must have asked themselves these
questions as the boats began to land.
Most
of the Chinese in the United States originate from Toishan, a southern coastal
district about the size of King County.
They came to escape hunger, poverty, and rebellion.2 A pioneering spirit marked these people
whose ancestors had once pushed to expand China’s borders, and who now spanned
the globe, settling in places like Peru, Australia, Hawaii, and the Western
United States in search of the better life promised by the large labor
companies.3
The Chinese had come to California to mine, envisioning the “Golden Mountain” of their dreams. When the gold was gone, they began working on the transcontinental railroad. Soon that was completed, and they moved to the nearest cities, opening shops, laundries and restaurants.
In times of prosperity, the Chinese were
tolerated as hard workers for cheap wages.
However, in the mid-nineteenth century, the West entered an economic
recession, with unemployment and poverty on the rise. What could white workers do when they turned to the cities and
found the Chinese taking jobs thought to belong to whites alone? Their answer was to turn to labor leaders like
the Californian, Dennis Kearney.
Kearney blamed the recession on the Chinese, who were thought to work cheap and smell bad. Kearney ended his speeches with “The Chinese
Must Go,” which the growing movement adopted as their slogan.4 During these times, outbreaks of violence
against the Chinese became commonplace in San Francisco and throughout the West
Coast.
Now, the process of creating “others” referred to in my thesis was taking hold. Two groups were being formed—the “whites” and the “Chinese.” European immigrants, especially the Irish, fought hard against the Chinese, perhaps to get themselves accepted into the “white group” by pushing the Chinese down and blurring other ethnic differences.
Anti-Chinese
feeling in Tacoma was at the forefront of all activities. The first topic at the first meeting of the
first literary society in Tacoma on January 25, 1875 was, “Resolved: That
Chinese Immigration has been a menace to the United States.” 5 As Herbert Hunt in “History
of Tacoma” points out, “The affirmative won. It always did.” 6 This took place in a time where you could
read in the Encyclopedia Britannica that
The Chinese is cold,
cunning, and distrustful, always ready to take advantage of those he has to
deal with, extremely covetous and deceitful, quarrelsome, vindictive, but timid
and dastardly. 7
In
1881, Tacoma's population doubled, going from 1098 to 2000. 8 Robert Jacob Weisbach, a moderately
successful merchant, arrived in Tacoma with the wave of new settlers. He had tried being a revolutionary in
Germany, failed, moved to China, then to the U.S., and eventually settled in
Tacoma. Weisbach, known for his
domineering personality and nonexistent sense of humor, was elected Mayor of
Tacoma.9 His election in
1884 coincided with a downturn in the economy and an expanding population,
consisting of the newly merged towns of Old Tacoma (pop. 400) and New
Tacoma(pop. 4000).10 When a meeting was called entitled “Solving the
Chinese Problem without Violence,” half of Tacoma’s voting population came to
participate. They decided to boycott
all Chinese-owned stores and threatened those who disagreed with “full
publicity.” 11 Weeks later,
when the Reverend W. D. McFarland preached tolerance toward the Chinese,
insulting articles came out about him in the Tacoma Daily Ledger (the leading Tacoma newspaper edited by Jack
Comerfield, a very anti-Chinese man).
“Let him preach to empty benches,” said the headline. And then, the article went on:
…the only violence to be
feared in the present crisis is from
pro-Chinese fanatics. …mouthings of
this alleged Christian were so disgusting and offensive …a loud mouthed
demagogue who, having an able bodied wife…blames others for the presence of the
Chinese here, while his washing is sent regularly to a stinking Chinese
laundry…12
The pro-Chinese were being grouped together and stereotyped along with the Chinese themselves.
The educated class of Tacoma, distinct from Tacoma’s
local government, realized that if they called more public meetings, the “mob”
would take over the proceedings.
Accordingly, they scheduled another meeting by invitation only, to
discuss more important things to be worried about than the Chinese. After all, said an upper-class Reverend, a
Chinese brothel is a threat to the community, but white brothels are more
numerous! These select citizens formed
the Tacoma Law and Order League. They
awoke the next morning to find themselves and their newly formed group in the
morning news. The Ledger called them various names, including “a cackling sisterhood
of impractical reformers.” Following
this public ridicule, the Law and Order League went the way of Reverend
McFarland: banished from the public eye.13
Along
with the efforts of the newspapers, other groups were busy agitating against
the Chinese. Stores advertised in the
papers with “The Chinese Must Go!” A
local International Workingmen’s Association (IWA) was formed (different from
the Marxist organization of the same name) and adopted the cause. Then the IWA, the Brotherhoods, the unions,
the fire department, the Labor Party and the Germanic Society merged to create
the Tacoma Anti-Chinese League. Mayor
R. Jacob Weisbach was president-elect.14 The Chinese were taking the workingmen’s jobs. The town had hit hard times, and the
dominant “white group” responded by choosing the “heathen” Chinese as their
scapegoats. They were an easy group to
recognize. They wore their hair in
“queues,” or long pigtails. They ate
bottomfish instead of the more popular fish and dressed in blue cotton jackets
and trousers that looked like pyjamas.
The city council finally responded to the pressure from
the media and the people, issuing a decree that copied San Francisco in
demanding 500 feet of living space for every person. Many Chinese couldn’t afford to meet that requirement. The League now was in possession of a
justification for anti-Chinese action.
When agitators from Seattle held an anti-Chinese congress of Puget
Sound, Tacoma sent the largest delegation.
The Committee of Fifteen was formed, which included Mayor Weisbach. This committee was charged with the
expulsion of the Chinese from Tacoma.
Secretly, a circle of nine also pledged to expel the Chinese, and
probably was more active than the Fifteen.15
The Chinese were given a month to leave Tacoma. One hundred and fifty simply left quietly,
anticipating the events ahead. Two
hundred stayed and had to face an intimidating mob. At 9:30 a.m., November 3, 1885, in the Ledger’s words, “The shrieking of shop whistles suddenly rent the
air”16 and a crowd of 500 men began to march down Pacific
Avenue. They reached almost every
Chinese dwelling in the city, and, for the most part, the Chinese left, though
with reluctance. Some had barricaded
their houses, but the sound of 500 angry men made them comply. One hundred and ninety-seven were packed off
to Lake View that day, 150 had left earlier, and 40 left the next day.17 The mob forced many to walk the nine miles
to Lake View in the pouring rain, and two died of exposure.18 The Chinese either stayed in Lake View or traveled
to other communities. Some Chinese had
to walk all the way to Portland. Rev.
McFarland questioned whether this was really America, but his friend persuaded
him not to do anything, because, “ It don’t matter what you do…you’d just make
it worse.” 19
Not all whites agreed to fire their Chinese workers and
houseboys. One woman, Mrs. Ezra Brown,
grabbed a broomstick and faced the mob, as her Chinese houseboy cowered under
the sink.
“Let him go!” yelled the mob.
“I won’t!”
“Let him go!”
With
this, the woman charged into the rows of men with a broomstick.20
Lum May owned the largest Chinese
shop in Tacoma. Here is his retelling
of the events when the mob stood outside his house:
When the doors were locked
they broke forcibly into the houses, smashing in doors and breaking in
windows. Some of the crowd were armed
with pistols, some with clubs. They
acted in a rude, boisterous, threatening manner, dragging and kicking the
Chinese out of the houses. My wife
refused to go and some of the white persons dragged her out. She lost her reason and has ever since been
hopelessly insane.21
that appeared in the Ledger the next morning.
Although a few pro-Chinese spoke up,
they were no match for the mob, and the expulsion of the Chinese from Tacoma
went smoothly. The anti-Chinese feeling
was so deeply engrained in many Tacomans’ minds that even the so-called
pro-Chinese protested quickly that they had “no special love for a Chinaman…” 22
What happened to the Chinese who were forced
to leave Tacoma? Theresa C. Pan,
president of the Chinese Reconciliation Project Foundation, says that the
expulsion may have been a family shame.
“It’s a cultural thing,” she said, “something that you don’t want to
bring out. So your children may not
know what happened to you.” 23
Many conditions were present in
Tacoma that allowed the expulsion to take place. For instance, the economy entered a recession, and the Chinese
were blamed for the loss of jobs. This,
however, accounted for much of the violence throughout the West Coast. Why was the expulsion so successful in Tacoma?
Firstly, the non-Chinese residents
of Tacoma had not taken the time to learn about the Chinese or their
culture. Instead, they turned to common
stereotypes: the Chinese were docile, dirty, heathen and dishonest.
Secondly,
Tacoma’s officials lacked the vision and courage to provide the good leadership
Tacoma needed. A leader is one who can
point the community in the direction that is best for all and not just what is
best for a few. Even the Tacoma Law and
Order League, who disapproved of the expulsion, were more concerned with
themselves than anyone else.
Thirdly, the press only served as a tool to
promote anti-Chinese action. Instead of
reporting actual news, the Tacoma Daily
Ledger and sometimes the Tacoma News filled
their front pages with editorials condemning the Chinese and their supporters.
Fourth, since Tacoma was a frontier
town, Tacomans thought of themselves as “a place beyond the rule of law.” 24 They disregarded the wider society and placed the rule of law
into the hands of the mayor and other local politicians. Publications like the West Shore and Overland Monthly
had flowery names for Tacoma, like “City of Destiny” and “Jewel of the
Pacific.” Eastern papers saw the town
differently: “The hoodlums and ruffians who infest most frontier places and all
rapidly growing towns in the far West set up the wild crusade… [the mayor is] a brutal foreigner...”25
Additionally, the people of Tacoma
lacked the time to work out their
differences. Sometimes after many
years, different groups can learn to tolerate each other, but Tacoma was a
young frontier town, and the Chinese and whites had only just come into
contact.
Months after the expulsion, twenty-seven of
the key participants and leaders were sent to trial, but a biased jury let them
off.26 Up until five years
after the expulsion no politician who opposed the expulsion won office.27
The politicians in Tacoma nurtured popular fears and used the public’s ignorance of the Chinese to their own advantage by fostering an ‘us’ and ‘them’ atmosphere. This process of creating “others” still goes on today, though it does not always result in expulsion. But how many “others” do we create today, whether the group in question is the “poor”, “blacks”, ”gays”, etc., attributing emotions and characteristics to them collectively? We fail to see each person’s individuality.
Today,
the frontier between the Chinese and white Americans is like a peaceful border
between the countries on a map. The
Chinese community in Tacoma is much smaller than that of other coastal cities,
but it has tried to involve the Chinese families by organizing get-togethers
and teaching the Chinese language.
Nevertheless, it is not just
negative outcomes that can occur on the frontier between two cultures. It is also possible that with time,
education and good leadership, discrimination and hostility can give way to
understanding and reconciliation. For
instance, in this state with its history of discrimination against the Chinese,
we have elected the first and only Chinese-American governor in the nation,
Governor Gary Locke. As he states,
Today, my family and I
live in the Governor’s Mansion—just a mile away from the house where my
grandfather swept floors, cooked, and washed dishes. I often comment that it has taken my family over 100 years to
travel one mile. It has been a journey
of hope, hard work, and faith. My
family faced poverty and predjudice, but my parents held fast to their belief
in America’s essential goodness, doing all they could to contribute to it.28
A frontier between two cultures can
also be an opportunity for people from different backgrounds to learn about
each other’s culture. Soon, near the
place that once was a Chinatown on the waterfront in Tacoma, the Chinese
Reconciliation Project Foundation is building a multicultural center for, in
their own words, “exploring and celebrating cultural diversity as well as
common humanity.” 29
The
expulsion of the Chinese from Tacoma was once called the “Tacoma Method” and
was the model for other towns when they wanted to get rid of their own
Chinese. Maybe now other cities can
look to the new “Tacoma Method” as an “example of reconciliation.” 30
Endnotes
1 Joe R. Fagin, Racial and Ethnic Relations, 3rd ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1989.) p. 23
2Art
Chin, Golden Tassels: A History of the Chinese in Washington, 1857-1992. (Art Chin, 1992), p. 7
3
Ibid, p. 11
4
Murray Morgan, Puget’s Sound.
(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1979.) p. 216
5
Ibid, p. 213
6
Herbert Hunt, History of Tacoma.
7
Murray Morgan, Puget’s Sound. (Seattle, University of Washington Press,
1979). p. 216
8
Ibid, p. 218
9
Ibid, p. 220
10
Ibid, p. 229
11
Ibid, p. 224
12
“Let Him Preach to Empty Benches.” Tacoma
Daily Ledger, 13 October 1885, p.2
13
Murray Morgan, Puget’s Sound. (Seattle, University of Washington Press,
1979). p. 225
14Ibid,
p. 226
15
Ibid, p. 236
16 “Gone:
Two Hundred Chinese Leave the City.” Tacoma
Daily Ledger. 5 November 1885, p. 2
17 J.
Campbell, Letter, Watson C. Squire Papers, University of Washington, Seattle,
Washington.
18C.
J. Lind, “The Chinese Must Go,” The News Tribune Sunday Magazine, 8
February 1976.
19
Murray Morgan, Puget’s Sound. (Seattle: University of Washington Press,
1979). p. 240
20
Ibid, p. 236
21
Ibid, p. 238
22
“John and Tacoma,” The Argus (Seattle), 21 December 1895.
23
Pan, Theresa C.
Personal interview. 22 April
2001.
24Murray
Morgan, Puget’s Sound. (Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1979).
p 251
25
“Protection of the Chinese,” The New York Times, 10 November 1885,
p. 4
26
Transcript of Trial #1878. United States of America versus R.J.
Weisbach, etc., 1886
27
Murray Morgan, Puget’s Sound. (Seattle: University of Washington Press,
1979.) p. 215
28
Governor Gary Locke, Private Communication. 8 February 2001.
29
“The Chinese Reconciliation Project Foundation” Brochure. (Tacoma, April 1996)
30
Pan, Theresa C. Personal
interview. 22 April 2001.